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  • At Pennsylvania’s ratification convention, James Wilson, the author of the clause, explained that the words “necessary and proper” are “limited, and defined by the following, ‘for carrying into execution the foregoing powers.’ It is saying no more than that the powers we have already particularly given, shall be effectually carried into execution.” It authorizes what is “necessary to render effectual the particular powers that are granted.” Congress thus can make laws about something otherwise outside the enumerated powers, insofar as those laws are “necessary and proper” to effectuate federal policy for something within an enumerated power. Although not independently valid under another enumerated power, such laws are supported by this clause to the extent that they constitute a means by which federal policy can be executed under an enumerated power.

    On this principle, Hamilton, as Treasury Secretary, urged Congress in 1790 to establish a private banking corporation to facilitate tax collection and support of the army, to promote commerce among the states, and to answer the government’s own borrowing needs. The Supreme Court confirmed the indispensable means-to-end nature of the necessary and proper power in McCulloch v. Maryland (1819). Writing for the Court, Chief Justice John Marshall upheld the Second Bank of the United States, utilizing the very rationale that Secretary Hamilton, and Wilson before him, had employed. Marshall rejected Thomas Jefferson’s view that the clause limits Congress to “those means without which the grant of power would be nugatory.” That would have precluded Congress from deliberating alternatives, and the Court read the clause instead as vesting “discretion, with respect to the means by which the powers it confers are to be carried into execution.” McCulloch countenanced “any means calculated to produce the end,” giving Congress “the capacity to avail itself of experience, to exercise its reason, and to accommodate its legislation to circumstances.” According to McCulloch, unless otherwise inconsistent “with the letter and spirit of the constitution,” any law that is “appropriate,” “plainly adapted to that end,” and “really calculated to effect any of the objects entrusted to the federal government” is valid under the Necessary and Proper Clause. For the judiciary “to inquire into the degree of its necessity,” Marshall said, “would be...to tread on legislative ground.”

    So long as a law promotes an end within the scope of some enumerated power, extraneous objectives do not render it unconstitutional. Indeed, one means might be preferred over others precisely because it advances another objective as well. For example, besides helping Congress effectuate various enumerated powers, a bank could make private loans to augment business capital or to satisfy consumer wants; while these extraneous ends could provide no independent constitutional justification, Hamilton urged them as principal reasons why Congress should incorporate a bank. Record-keeping and reporting requirements regarding drug transactions, if apt as means to enforce federal taxes on those transactions, are no less valid because crafted for police ends that are not within any enumerated power. Extraneous objectives are constitutionally immaterial; but to invoke the Necessary and Proper Clause, a sufficient link to some enumerated-power end is constitutionally indispensable.

    The Necessary and Proper Clause allows Congress to decide whether, when, and how to legislate “for carrying into Execution” the powers of another branch; but it respects and even reinforces the principle of separation of powers. Unlike Randolph’s authorization to “organize the government”—which the Committee of Detail had replaced with Wilson’s more exacting phrase—“laws...for carrying into Execution” the powers (and thus discretion) reposed in another branch can only mean laws to help effectuate the discretion of that other branch. It gives Congress no power to instruct or impede another branch in the performance of that branch’s constitutional role. Of course, when the clause is invoked to effectuate ends within Congress’s own powers, it compounds Congress’s discretion: not only the selection of means, but also the selection of policy ends, rests in Congress’s own discretion.

    McCulloch remains the classic elucidation of this clause, but it has been elaborated in many other cases, such as in the proceedings concerning the Legal Tender Act of 1862. Congress, in an effort to stabilize commerce and support military efforts during the Civil War, determined that new paper currency must be accepted at face value as legal tender. The Supreme Court, in the Legal Tender Cases (1871), affirmed Congress’s discretion to choose among means thought conducive to enumerated-power ends. The Court upheld Congress’s choice, even though better means might have been chosen, and though the legal tender clause proved to be of little help: “The degree of the necessity for any Congressional enactment, or the relative degree of its appropriateness, if it has any appropriateness, is for consideration in Congress, not here,” said the Court.

    The basic operation of the Necessary and Proper Clause is the same in every context. For example, federal tax lien and collection laws; record-keeping, reporting, and filing requirements; and civil and criminal penalties for non-payment are not themselves exertions of Congress’s power to tax, but are laws “necessary and proper for carrying into Execution” the federal taxing power. That is why “provisions extraneous to any tax need” are not rendered valid simply by inclusion in a tax statute. United States v. Kahriger (1953); see also Linder v. United States (1925). Similarly, with regard to federal condemnation of property, “the really important question to be determined” is whether “it is necessary or appropriate to use the land in the execution of any of the powers granted to it by the constitution.” United States v. Gettysburg Electric Railway Co. (1896). “Public use” alone is not sufficient, but if the proposed use is the kind of public use embraced by one of the enumerated federal powers, “the provision comes within the rule laid down by Chief Justice Marshall, in McCulloch v. Maryland....”

    This clause’s enhancement of Congress’s power over commerce among the states had been judicially recognized decades before Congress began to exercise that power extensively. See Gilman v. Philadelphia (1866). Its means-to-end logic underlay the Supreme Court’s approval of antitrust prosecutions for local monopolies when the government could prove a purpose to restrain interstate trade, Addyston Pipe & Steel v. United States (1899), but not when the government omitted to prove such a purpose, United States v. E.C. Knight Co. (1895). The same rationale sustained an amendment to the Safety Appliance Act, which prescribed safety equipment for railcars used only within a state, because the amendment increased safety for interstate cars and cargos on the same rails. Southern Railway v. United States (1911). Likewise, the Interstate Commerce Commission could authorize carriers to disregard state limits on rates for trips within a state, as a means to eliminate price discrimination against interstate commerce. Shreveport Rate Case (1914). Upholding the wage and hour provisions of the Fair
    Labor Standards Act on this ground in United States
    v. Darby (1941), the Court cited not only those older cases but also NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp. (1937) as illustrating the rationale of the Necessary and Proper Clause.

    Often the Supreme Court has not articulated this Necessary and Proper Clause basis of its so-called affecting commerce doctrine. This has led to one of the most confused areas of all constitutional law. Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, however, did emphasize it: first in her dissent in Garcia v. San Antonio Metropolitan Transit Authority (1985), and then for the majority in New York v. United States (1989). The rule against federal “commandeering” of state officials, applied both in that New York case and in Printz v. United States (1997), was attributed to the word “proper” in the Necessary and Proper Clause, as interpreted in McCulloch to mean consistency with “the spirit of the constitution.”
    I wear a Fez. Fez-es are cool

    Comment


    • It should be emphasized, however that the Necessary and Proper Clause authorizes Congress to enact laws that are “appropriate” and plainly adapted for carrying into execution Congress’s enumerated powers; it does not authorize Congress to enact any law that Congress thinks is “reasonable.”

      Thus, although a measure can be sustained under this clause, even if Congress’s means-to-end judgment proves wrong, as Justice Robert H. Jackson said in United States v. Five Gambling Devices (1953), it must appear that the means-to-end relation “has been considered by Congress and has been explicitly and deliberately resolved.”


      The Necessary and Proper Clause does not confer general authority over a matter simply because its regulation in some respects might serve an enumerated-power end; it only supports the particular regulations that have such an effect. For example, what mattered in NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp (1937) was not that steel manufacturing impacts interstate commerce, but rather that applying the particular NLRA provisions prohibiting those factories’ unfair labor practices would promote Congress’s policy of uninterrupted interstate commerce in steel. Similarly, in Heart of Atlanta Motel v. United States (1964), Title II of the 1964 Civil Rights Act was held applicable, not because hotels affect interstate commerce, but because prohibiting racial discrimination by hotels promotes Congress’s interstate commerce policy of unimpeded travel.

      The Necessary and Proper Clause served as the model for the “enforcement” clauses of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments, and the latter have always been construed as analogous to the former. See Civil Rights Cases (1883); Katzenbach v. Morgan (1966) (“the McCulloch v. Maryland standard is the measure for what constitutes ‘appropriate legislation’ under Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment”). Recent cases have held that to invoke Enforcement Clause support, a law must be “congruent” and “proportional” to the amendment violation it aims to redress. City of Boerne v. Flores (1997); Board of Trustees of the University of Alabama v. Garrett (2001). These can be seen as elaborations of the McCulloch principle—to invoke the Necessary and Proper Clause, a law must be “plainly adapted” to an enumerated end—a principle that for almost a century has been exhibited in “affecting commerce” cases as the requirement of “substantial effect.” This substantial effect test was raised to new prominence in United States v. Lopez (1995). If the analogy between this clause and the various enforcement clauses is to hold, perhaps the same principles of congruence and proportionality must also be applied in so-called affecting commerce cases and in other contexts of the Necessary and Proper Clause.

      David Engdahl is a Professor of Law at the Seattle University School of Law.

      Although often commonly referred to as the “sweeping clause” or the “elastic clause,” the “necessary and proper” clause is not in fact as expansive as its nicknames suggests. After listing the 17 specific powers delegated to Congress, Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution concludes by specifying that Congress has the power to pass any law both necessary and proper to implement the powers already delegated to it.
      I wear a Fez. Fez-es are cool

      Comment


      • Thanks for the giant cut and paste.

        You asked for Constitution-authorized jurisdiction and I provided it. It is the states' and citizens' responsibility to keep federal authority in check.

        If you don't like it, then contest it in court. I think that's what the marijuana sellers in California will end up doing here, which is what I said SHOULD happen all along before we descended into what the federal government can / cannot legally do.
        When the government pays, the government controls.

        Comment


        • No, you put a clause, not an enumerated power.

          Tell me, if the N&P clause grants that kind of power to the fed, where is the limit of their power? If it covers anything the fed wants to do, why have enumerated powers? I'll wait while you figure that one out
          I wear a Fez. Fez-es are cool

          Comment


          • You're trying to overturn a subject the Supreme Court has upheld for 225 years. This is not really open for debate unless you're interested in a revolution.

            There is a fairly sizable precedent for the concept of 'federal law' and I wish you luck in overturning all of them. lmao
            When the government pays, the government controls.

            Comment


            • Originally posted by Forever_frost View Post
              No, you put a clause, not an enumerated power.
              BTW, I had to laugh at this. Each of the 'enumerated powers' is a CLAUSE of Article 1 Section 8 - including the 18th which I have already quoted. Here they all are.

              ----------

              The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imports and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States; [Altered by Amendment XVI "Income tax".]

              To borrow money on the credit of the United States;

              To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes;

              To establish a uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States;

              To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;

              To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States;

              To establish Post Offices and Post Roads;

              To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries;

              To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;

              To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offenses against the Law of Nations;

              To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;

              To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;

              To provide and maintain a Navy;

              To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces;

              To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;

              To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;

              To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings; And

              To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.
              When the government pays, the government controls.

              Comment


              • Originally posted by 46Tbird View Post
                You're trying to overturn a subject the Supreme Court has upheld for 225 years. This is not really open for debate unless you're interested in a revolution.

                There is a fairly sizable precedent for the concept of 'federal law' and I wish you luck in overturning all of them. lmao
                You're still not answering the question. Where is the limit if the enumerated powers are not them? Stop tap dancing and answer.
                I wear a Fez. Fez-es are cool

                Comment


                • "o make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof."


                  Exactly. Carrying into execution the FOREGOING powers and all other powers VESTED BY THIS CONSTITUTION in the government of the United states.

                  If it's not enumerated, it's not theirs. Do read.

                  foregoing [fɔːˈgəʊɪŋ]
                  adj
                  (prenominal) (esp of writing or speech) going before; preceding
                  I wear a Fez. Fez-es are cool

                  Comment


                  • 10th amendment: The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.
                    I wear a Fez. Fez-es are cool

                    Comment


                    • Fuck, dude. I'm not skirting any issue. I think it's plain as fucking day that the Legislative branch can make any law that they want. It has to be upheld by the Judicial branch and enforced by the Executive to be a functional law.

                      That's all it takes. Period.

                      Your question about "where is the limit" doesn't make any sense. The plainly obvious answer is that there isn't one. And just as obviously, there shouldn't be one, since we don't want our country's foundation being updated with new 'enumerated powers' every time there is a technological or cultural shift.

                      I'm not sure what else to tell you. You think the federal government should be a minimalist entity. The reality is that it's an overbearing one. I actually agree with you on this issue, but there is no chance of it ever happening without the current system being overthrown.

                      Now where the hell is my bong..?
                      When the government pays, the government controls.

                      Comment


                      • No, they can't enact any law they want. Only the ones that is permitted by teh Constitution. You really should read it. It's only 7 pages long. The federal government only has the powers enumerated. Those neat issues you mention can be handled by states and individuals.
                        I wear a Fez. Fez-es are cool

                        Comment


                        • You can take that 'read it' bullshit and shove it up your ass, since I HAVE read it and I've quoted the pertinent parts for you. I'm sorry if you don't understand it or if you disagree with how it's been interpreted for over two centuries.
                          When the government pays, the government controls.

                          Comment


                          • The issue isn't interpreting it. There is no power for anyone to interpret it. It says what it means. Fed has 18 powers and 3 branches. Everything else belongs to the states and people. And as a check on those checks, you have the 2nd amendment.
                            I wear a Fez. Fez-es are cool

                            Comment


                            • You say there is no limit to the power of the federal government. Then why are there 18 enumerated powers and why did the founders go through the hassle of putting in the 10th amendment?
                              I wear a Fez. Fez-es are cool

                              Comment


                              • Now in CO, if you're a medical MJ user, you cannot buy a firearm.



                                DENVER — You can have your gun, or you can have your medical marijuana. But the Obama administration now says you can’t have both.

                                The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives is in the crosshairs for a recent memo prohibiting gun merchants from selling firearms to anyone who uses marijuana, including those with state-issued medical-marijuana cards.

                                Comment

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